What Does Anti-White Racism Look Like?

More than any other group, whites are maligned, belittled, mocked, and criticized in the mainstream media. (This is different from more direct and personal forms of anti-white behavior, as detailed in these exhaustive collections of minority-on-white crime, and black on white crime.)

Here are some recent examples:

White men must be stopped: The very future of mankind depends on it,” by Frank Joyce, Salon.com/Alternet.org, December 22, 2015.

The future of life on the planet depends on bringing the 500-year rampage of the white man to a halt. For five centuries his ever more destructive weaponry has become far too common. His widespread and better systems of exploiting other humans and nature dominate the globe.

Ten Things White People Need To Quit Saying” by Melody Moezzi, Huffington Post, April 27, 2016.

Remember that reverse racism isn’t a thing. Racism is about the abuse of power and privilege. If your race denies you power and privilege, then you can’t be racist. Certainly, you can still be an asshole. Just not a racist . . . . If any of this offends you as a white person, I ask simply that you sit with that discomfort for a while. Really feel it. Now imagine that your distress weren’t the temporary consequence of reading an article, but rather the permanent consequence of living in your own skin.

For the last three years, BuzzFeed has had listicles about things white people have ruined:

29 Things White People Ruined,” by Tracy Clayton, September 25, 2014.

Number 29 is, “Basically Everything.”

21 Things White People Ruined in 2015” by Pedro Fequiere, December 3, 2015.

The first sentence is, “Besides everything.”

17 Foods That White People Have Ruined” by Tahlia Pritchard, November 16, 2016.

The list includes dishes obviously invented by whites in the first place, such as the croissant.

And here is charming sentiment in The Guardian, May 30, 2017 from an article called “Why I’m no longer talking to white people about race” by Reni Eddo-Lodge:

I’m no longer engaging with white people on the topic of race. Not all white people, just the vast majority who refuse to accept the existence of structural racism and its symptoms. I can no longer engage with the gulf of an emotional disconnect that white people display when a person of colour articulates their experience.

Here is a piece called “White people think racism is getting worse. Against white people.” by Samuel Sommers and Michael Norton from the Washington Post of July 21, 2016:

For some whites, the changing—and increasingly less white—demographics of the United States may feel existentially threatening. Indeed, research points to people’s pervasive fear that they will end up on the bottom of the status pile—a fear called ‘last place aversion.’ . . . . If ‘they’ are moving up in the world, ‘we’ must be moving down. Such fears might be particularly pronounced for a group, like white Americans, that has always been at the top of the racial hierarchy and therefore has the furthest to fall.

The very title of the piece is supposed to get a laugh, and it is clear that demographic displacement and a drop in status is exactly what whites deserve.

Note that I have quoted only from publications that are extremely popular on both a national, and international, level. You can find really hair-raising stuff from a lone Marxist professor, or in a small-circulation leftist outlet, or a fancy, insulting book about whites by a black. But SalonThe Huffington PostBuzzFeedThe Guardian, and The Washington Post are popular and mainstream.

Imagine the articles with just a few tweaks:

“Black migration must be stopped: The very future of my lovely mid-western town depends on it”

“Ten Things Black People Need to Stop Doing on Public Transit”

“21 Things Black People Ruined in 2015”

The first item could be: Two decades of declining crime rates.

“Why I’m no longer talking to black people about IQ”

Of course, titles like these will never appear in the mainstream. They would not appear even at dissident websites.

Anti-white racism in the media is very real. I will believe otherwise when you can find me another race that has been accused of ruining no fewer than 17 foods.

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Dear Bret Stephens: Why Not Treat America as Well as Israel?

Bret Stephens

Bret Stephens (Credit Image: Jason Smith / University of Chicago)

Bret Stephens, the newest token “rightist” at the New York Times, sparked outrage across the Right last month with a column called, “Only Mass Deportations Can Save America.” He wrote about American citizens who have children out of wedlock, are dependent on welfare, don’t have jobs, and commit crime, and argued that they should be deported—not the allegedly hardworking, upstanding Catholics pouring in across our southern border.

As Steve Sailer noted, if you didn’t know better, you would think Mr. Stephens was complaining about blacks, who have the highest rates of criminality, bastardy, and welfare use. Alas, Mr. Stephens was clearly talking about poor whites in Appalachia and the Rust Belt, a group that he, like all “Never Trump” Republicans, despises. Indeed, if the New York Times editors had the slightest suspicion that Mr. Stephens was talking about blacks, they would not have published the column.

The most prestigious newspaper in the country thinks it’s fine to “joke” about deporting citizens they don’t like. It also publish opinion pieces by illegal aliens demanding we let them stay.

This column was repugnant enough, but Mr. Stevens wrote a piece two weeks earlier that makes it even worse. In a column on the 50th anniversary of the Six-Day War, he wrote solemnly of Israel’s courage, and the importance of its victory. Savaging Israel’s critics, Mr. Stephens wrote, “For the crime of self-preservation, Israel remains a nation unforgiven.”

In a void, I take no issue with this. I harbor no animus towards Israel. It is a distinct nation, with a distinct people, culture, religion, language, etc. that it is determined to preserve. I admire that. I would rather live in Israel than in any of its antagonistic neighbors. Israel is at a civilizational level well above that of the Arab world surrounding it. I do not begrudge Israel actions it finds necessary for survival.

Mr. Stephens does not apply the same logic to the United States. In fact, he applies the reverse logic. His column on “deportations” assumed that America is just an economic zone, with no people, culture, religion, or language to preserve. If “citizens” of this country are not productive enough, they should be replaced with more productive imports. But Mr. Stephens would never accept this purely economic view of Israelis. Israel has surprisingly high levels of corruption for a developed country. Why not deport corrupt Israelis and replace them with people from less corrupt nations such as Japan, Uruguay, or the United Arab Emirates.

Mr. Stephens, I am confident, would not consider this even as a joke. Corruption is bad, but Israel with corruption is still Israel. Israel with no corruption, but composed of equal parts Arabs, Jews, Hispanics, and Japanese, is not Israel; it’s just an economy.

The same is true of the United States. America has always been a white country. It was founded by whites for whites. That history is utterly unambiguous. When America stops being white, it loses its essence, something intangible but vital. On some level, Mr. Stephens probably knows this. I suspect that when he chooses his co-workers, friends, and neighbors they are a ratio of white-to-non-white similar to America as a whole—America of the 1950s.

Since Mr. Stephens wants to preserve the essence of Israel, why does he not want to preserve the essence of his own country?

He calls himself a “conservative” but what does he want to conserve? Certainly not the founding stock nor the Europeans who came later. Our culture, language, religion, values and essence arise from a certain people. That is true of every country—certainly of Israel—as Mr. Stephens would surely agree.

For America, Mr. Stephens wants to “conserve” abstractions such as free markets and civility in the media. An issue of strange importance to him is stopping government intervention intended to slow climate change. A question for Mr. Stephens: Would he prefer an Israel that adopted his laissez faire approach to climate change—but was 60 percent Hispanic—or a majority-Jewish Israel that meddled in the economy to slow global warming? We know which he would choose, and he is not wrong for making that choice.

Mr. Stephens puts the essence of Israel ahead of everything else, as he should. Why can’t he treat America with the same respect?

The Threefold Death of Hannah Cornelius

Hannah Cornelius

Hannah Cornelius

Hannah Cornelius died on Saturday morning, May 27th. The 21-year old student was abducted in her own car by a Coloured (mixed-race) gang in the university town of Stellenbosch, near Cape Town. They drove her away, gang raped her, and then strangled and stabbed her. Her body was found at two o’clock that afternoon. Horrors like this hardly reach the front page anymore, so inured have we become to liberal, multicultural South Africa.

When people are killed here, they become hashtags. So it was with #HannahCornelius. After the initial flurry of tweets, the news died down. A friend once compared our reactions to murder to that of a herd of gazelles grazing on the savannah. Now and again a predator catches one; the herd shudders, but life goes on. An hour or two later the herd is at ease again, nibbling juicy leaves of grass.

Hannah Cornelius was strikingly beautiful, kind, full of laughter, and a straight-A student at Stellenbosch University. She spoke Afrikaans, English, and French—a foreign language she studied at school. The mainstream media carefully omitted the race of Hannah’s killers; they were simply “men.” White feminists let loose a barrage of their favorite hashtags, such as #menaretrash, with the implication that white men, too, were collectively responsible for Hannah’s death. Another favorite leftist cliché was quickly applied: “gender-based violence.”

Hannah Cornelius

Four Coloured men have been arrested for the crime. This is, in itself, a miracle, since most homicides in South Africa are never solved. Only 8 percent of murderers are convicted, so they have a 92 percent chance of, literally, getting away with murder. Affirmative action has taken its toll on the police, especially in the more technical departments such as forensics. However, CCTV footage of Hannah’s hijacked little blue Volkswagen Golf—a gift from her 91-year old grandmother—helped police find the killers. All four have all been charged in the Stellenbosch Magistrate’s Court with murder, rape, car theft, robbery, and abduction. They will again appear on 28 July 2017 when more details of the crime should emerge.

Newspapers have focused on Cheslin Marsh, a male Stellenbosch student who was with Hannah when she was hijacked in the early hours of Saturday morning. The attackers drove him around in the trunk of the car and later pelted him with bricks. Mr. Marsh ended up in the hospital with a broken arm, and will probably be a key witness at trial.

Cheslin Marsh’s picture was published in the press; he is Coloured. What was Hannah doing at four in the morning alone in a car “having a conversation,” as it was reported, with a man of the same race and culture as her attackers?

Cheslin Marsh

Cheslin Marsh

I have been haunted by the murder of this beautiful young Afrikaner, and I tried to find out more by speaking to another Stellenbosch student. I learned that Bird Street, where Hannah was carjacked, is notoriously dangerous, since it is fewer than 2 kilometers from the black township in Stellenbosch known as Kayamandi. Someone else familiar with the university told me that “all the Stellenbosch girls are very scared of the Coloured gangs, and being attacked by them.” So why was Hannah not afraid, and why was she parked in a dangerous street in the early hours of Saturday morning when criminals might be on the prowl?

There are clues. She had a former boyfriend named Fanelo Arens—also Coloured. They met when they were students at a liberal, private, English-language high school called Reddam House. This says a lot about the environment in which she grew up.

Afrikaans-language government schools may be the last bastion of white racial consciousness in South Africa. That is why our government is waging a kind of war against them, as well as against white home schoolers. I had a conversation with some girls at an Afrikaans school here in Johannesburg and they all said that they were revolted by interracial dating. As one told me, “The idea of being kissed by a black or Coloured boy makes me sick.”

I suspect Hannah would have retained some element of race realism if she had been educated in a normal Afrikaans school of which there are still many available at a high academic level. Somehow, her lawyer parents decided to uproot her from their own traditions and push her along the internationalist, globalist, multicultural route. In a sense, that was Hannah’s first death, or the first crack in the armor that every white girl needs in ANC-run South Africa.

And so it was that in her first year at Reddam House—she must have been no more than 13 or 14 years old—she was spotted in the library by Fenelo Arens, three years her senior. He started courting her and eventually became her boyfriend. On Fenelo Arens’s Facebook there are photographs of him holding or kissing white girls.

Fenelo Arens

Fenelo Arens

In just a few decades, South Africa has gone from being probably the most anti-race-mixing country in the world to one in which it has become almost de rigueur—with all the tragic consequences.

Hannah was therefore being broken down long before the fateful Saturday morning when she met her grisly end. As my student source at Stellenbosch University explains: “Liberalism is like a brain tumor; it grows and grows and eventually affects your judgment. Hannah’s judgment must have been impaired to be sitting in that road at that hour.”

Hannah Cornelius was an Afrikaner—a member of my own tribe. Sometimes when I meet a pretty young girl who speaks English with a strong South African accent I ask if she is not Afrikaans-speaking, with English as a second language. Sometimes such a girl replies: “No, I am English. But people often tell me I look like an Afrikaans girl.”

There is a certain look, a certain style that constitutes the “Afrikaans girl.” It is exemplified by the (horribly liberal, alas) Hollywood actress Charlize Theron, and by the many models from South Africa who have become internationally famous for their beauty.

Charlize Theron

Charlize Theron (Credit Image: Wikimedia)

We are a distinct people, descended from 40,000 Dutch, French, and German immigrants who lived in the Cape in the 18th century. We are bound by language, culture, and genes. Our quirky Dutch, German, and French-Huguenot surnames follow us, even when we emigrate to Australia or Canada.

In a sense, Hannah Cornelius—my kinswoman—never had a chance. Even with her beauty, intelligence, excellent grades, mastery of French, and so on, she was never allowed to develop into a normal, care-free, protected Afrikaans girl, moving mostly in a white environment, meeting white boys her age at teenage parties or braais (our word for barbecues). Instead, she was flung into the liberal melting-pot, her identity confused, her corpse finally collected by the South African Police Service from a dirt road on the outskirts of Stellenbosch.

There are similarities between her death and that of the American Fulbright scholar Amy Biehl, who also came from a liberal home and supported the radical black movement in South Africa. As we know, she was stabbed and stoned to death by a black mob on August 25, 1993 after giving a lift to a black student to Gugulethu, the black township outside Cape Town.

Amy Biehl’s liberal parents, Peter and Linda, set up a foundation in her name to help other young blacks from the very area where she was killed—in a sense rewarding them for murdering her daughter. Willem and Anna Cornelius have also spoken of starting a charitable foundation in memory of their slain daughter. It sounds ominously familiar.

In novels and in real life, we interpret the story of someone’s life differently when we arrive at the end. Only then do we recognize some of the clues strewn on the way that help explain what may be a shocking conclusion.

That is why I say Hannah died three times: Once when she was uprooted from her family and her national tradition, once when she consorted with someone not of her own race, and once when the Coloured gang mauled her to death.

In other countries, people may be free to experiment and take social risks. In South Africa, such risks may be fatal. Where you live, where you go to school, whom you associate with, where you shop, where you park your car—all determine your chances of survival.

Even before I finished writing about Hannah Cornelius, news broke of another blond-haired Afrikaner turned into a hashtag: #JohannBotha. He was a TV and radio presenter who also happened to be an opera aficionado. Once more, the mainstream media are presenting his death as a kind of incomprehensible accident, something incongruous beyond our understanding. Johann Botha was shot in a bar by four black robbers in downtown Johannesburg, along with the bar owner.

Johann Botha

Johann Botha

I met Johann a few times, among the media fraternity here in Johannesburg. For years he was the host of a successful TV program about South African wildlife and conservation. His views tended towards the liberal. Like Hannah, he was a gentle, caring soul.

In exasperation I tweeted:

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Of course, English-speaking whites also fall prey to our roving murderers, but two of our own had become hashtags in just one week. Immediately, a horde of blacks and liberals attacked my tweet, calling it “racist,” threatening me with complaints to the South African Human Rights Commission, for which “human rights” means “hunting down white racists.”

Members of my own tribe are being mercilessly hunted down, but because we are white we must not be angry. Because we are white we deserve no sympathy.

Hannah Cornelius

Hannah Cornelius

Boycott by Whites Threatens South African Restaurants

Spur Steak Ranches Logo

Spur Steak Ranches is a popular, pseudo-American chain of restaurants in South Africa. On March 19, at a restaurant in a shopping mall not far from Johannesburg, the child of a black patron apparently hit the child of a white patron. The white complained to the mother, which led to a heated confrontation, recorded on a cellphone video that went viral. It seems that the black woman first used the “F word” in English, after which the white man responded with a few choice expletives in Afrikaans. To apportion blame in such a situation would be difficult, but the video immediately added to black-white polarization.

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After the Confederates, Who’s Next?

Confederate Flag Controversy

Credit Image: © Erik S. Lesser/ZUMAPRESS.com

On Sept. 1, 1864, Union forces under Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman, victorious at Jonesborough, burned Atlanta and began the March to the Sea where Sherman’s troops looted and pillaged farms and towns all along the 300-mile road to Savannah.

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Black-on-White Rape

There has been much debate about the very meager statistics on inter-racial rape. For years, incomplete but still informative estimates were available through the US Department of Justice’s National Crime Victimization Survey (see table 42 on page 55). Although these numbers are extrapolations based on small numbers of reported rapes and include verbal as well as physical sex assaults, it is clear that there is much more black-on-white than white-on-black rape.

In 2009, Barack Obama became president, and put Eric Holder in charge of the Department of Justice. Since then, the information on inter-racial crime from the National Crime Victimization Survey has been kept from the public.

While it’s going to be a long time before any kind of precise figures are had, most everyone in America would be willing to concede that there is more black-on-white rape than white-on-black. The implicit admission of this can be found in the standard liberal excuse: interracial rape figures are lop-sided because there are five times as many whites as blacks in the United States, so black rapists naturally find a lot of white victims. That might be plausible if the United States were well integrated, and if the average black man lived around a lot of white women. He doesn’t.

America as a whole is “diverse,” but most Americans live in neighborhoods with people of the same race as themselves. As a rule of thumb, the more racially diverse a city is, the more racially homogeneous its neighborhoods are. Therefore, if rapists choose their victims at random, that victim is likely to be of the same race. Most black rapists live in inner cities, and are especially unlikely to live around white women. In a country as segregated as the United States, all interracial crime at least suggests a certain degree of racial targeting.

Furthermore, celebrated black authors have written very explicitly about their desire to punish white women by raping them.

James Baldwin wrote:

[T]here is, I should think, no Negro living in America who . . . has not wanted to smash any white face he may encounter in a day, to violate, out of motives of the cruelest vengeance, their women, to break the bodies of all white people. . . .

Eldridge Cleaver of the Black Panthers wrote of his career as a rapist:

Rape [of white women] was an insurrectional act. It delighted me that I was defying and trampling upon the white man’s law, upon his system of values, and that I was defiling his women . . . I felt that I was getting revenge.

Amiri Baraka, originally known as LeRoi Jones and who was named New Jersey Poet Laureate in 2002, wrote in his poem “Black Dada Nihilimus:”

Come up, black dada nihilismus.

Rape the white girls.

Rape their fathers.

Cut the mothers’ throats.

James Baldwin

James Baldwin

Eldridge Cleaver

Eldridge Cleaver

Amiri Baraka

Amiri Baraka

And, indeed, some blacks have raped white women for reasons of pure, political hatred.

For a 179-day period in 1973 and 1974, a group of Black Muslim “Death Angels” kept the city of San Francisco in a panic as they killed randomly-chosen “blue-eyed devils” in what came to be called the “zebra murders.” Estimates put the number of white victims at between 15 and 73. Female victims were often raped before they were executed.

The Zebra Murderers

The Zebra Murderers

In 1992, Joseph Gardner of Charleston, South Carolina, and his two friends, Matt Williams and Matt Mack, decided to get “get even” for white oppression by murdering a white woman. They abducted Melissa “Missi” McLauchlin and brought her back to their trailer park. They raped her and put out the word that they had “captured a white woman.” Three other black men came and also raped her. Then they tortured her with bleach and hydrogen peroxide, shot her in the face five times, and left her to die by the side of a road.

Missi McLauchlin

Missi McLauchlin

The killers of Missi McLauchlin

In 2008, a white woman wept on the witness stand as she described her rape at the hands of a black man who broke into her apartment in Raleigh, North Carolina. He told her he was punishing her for the historic crimes of whites.

In 2013 Corey Batey, a black football player at Vanderbilt University filmed himself and some of his teammates as they raped a white woman at a party. Mr. Batey then urinated on her face, saying, “That’s for 400 years of slavery you b—-.”

Cory Batey

Cory Batey

In 2016 Lee Harris raped a white woman at knifepoint and told her he did so “because you are white.”

Lee Harris

Lee Harris

Blacks in other countries have raped white women for similar reasons. In Britain, a black illegal immigrant named Amos Moobeng raped a teen-age girl because she was white.

Amos Moobeng

Amos Moobeng

In Brazil, a black man named Sailson Jose das Gracas confessed to murdering at least 41 whites. As he explained: “Women for me has to be white, not black, because of my color. I got pleasure from them fighting, screaming and scratching me.” Das Gracas did not rape his victims; he masturbated after killing them.

Sailson Jose das Gracas

Sailson Jose das Gracas

Zimbabwe, where most whites have been driven from the country, “rape gangs” target the few white women who remain.

In prisons, black men rape white men out of hatred and a desire to dominate them. A 2001 report by Human Rights Watch concluded that tens of thousands of men are raped every year in the United States—almost all of them white prisoners raped by blacks. Some blacks make whites their sex slaves, whom they buy, sell, and rent out to other blacks.

“Within a week he was pimping me out to other inmates at $3.00 a man,” said a white who was forced to become a black inmates “wife.” “You can buy a kid for 20 or 30 dollars on most wings,” explained one convict. “They sell them like cattle.”

Sean Smith, a white man in a South African prison, said he was raped every day of his months-long sentence, often several times a day. “They did it not just as part of gang dominance but in my case it was showing supremacy over a white man—I was the only one there,” he said. By the end, he was HIV positive.

There is vastly more black-on-white than white-on-black violence of all kinds, not just rape. Of the estimated 650,000 black-white crimes of violence committed every year, blacks are the perpetrators 85 percent of the time. This means that a black person, on average, is 27 times more likely to attack a white than vice versa. It is impossible to know how much of this sharp disproportion reflects deliberate targeting, but racial hatred surely accounts for some of it.

John Floyd Thomas

John Floyd Thomas

Over the course of a decade, John Floyd Thomas, Jr. raped and killed as many as 30 elderly white women throughout Los Angeles County, which means he was probably the area’s most prolific serial killer. He is black and every one of his victims was white. Was this a coincidence or was he, too, “getting even”? His Wikipedia page is silent about the race of his victims; this would be unthinkable in the case of white killers, such as Joseph Paul Franklin or Dylann Roof, who attacked blacks.

Curtis Vance

Curtis Vance

Even when blacks do not openly express anti-white animus, the sheer brutality of their crimes suggests something more than conventional criminal motives. When Curtis Vance raped Anne Pressly, a white woman, he beat her so savagely with a garden tool that her “jaw was forced to the back of her head and cut off blood flow to her brain.” The mother of the victim found her lying in a pool of blood, gasping for air.

Anne Pressly

Anne Pressly

The black-on-white crimes that became known as the “Knoxville Horror” and the “Wichita Massacre,” were likewise cases of rape, murder, torture, and sexual humiliation so appalling that it is very difficult to believe the killers were not acting out of deep hatred for whites.

Knoxville Horror Perps

The Knoxville Horror perps

White-on-black rape is not unheard of. In Oklahoma City, a half-white half-Japanese police officer was recently convicted of targeting black women for rape. However, crimes of this kind rarely show the vicious brutality of the haunting cases noted above. White rapists simply do not seem to mutilate or kill their victims. The most famous black rape victims—Tawana Brawley and Crystal Mangum—turned out to be hoaxers, along with many others.

Whatever the exact numbers, there is no doubt that blacks rape whites far more often than whites rape blacks. It is clear that at least some blacks rapists hate whites, and rape is a particularly satisfying way for them to express their hatred.

Damned Lies and Statistics About Black-on-White Farm Murders in South Africa

Stellenbosch, South Africa - South African farm land

Farm land and vineyards in Stellenbosch, Western Cape, South Africa (Credit Image: © Edwin Remsberg/VW Pics via ZUMA Wire)

Farming in South Africa is the most dangerous occupation in the world. Farmers there suffer more murders per-capita than any other community on earth outside a war zone. Since the dawn of democracy in the country, farming South Africa has been slaughtered by black South Africans in ways that would do Shaka Zulu proud.

The Transvaal Agricultural Union’s numbers (purported to be the most reliable) are bolstered by Genocide Watch. (I wrote about this here.) By this assessment, South African farmers were being exterminated at the annual rate of 313 per 100,000 inhabitants, 3,000 since the election of the sainted Nelson Mandela (1994), two a week, seven in March of 2010, “four times as high as is for the rest of the [South African] population,” in the words of Genocide Watch’s Dr. Gregory H. Stanton.

The number of farmers martyred on land many their families had farmed since the 1600s has since been revised downward by the African National Congress (ANC) government, its police and lickspittle social scientists. This is good if true; bad if doctored for the purpose of diminishing the facts.

The Democratic Alliance used to dispute any crime statistics issued by the South African Police Service (SAPS). The tiny, tokenistic, opposition to the “all-powerful black majority party” puts the ostensible drop in crime down to the fact that 51 percent of victims no longer bother to report crime, given that corruption is rife, arrests rare, and prosecutions and convictions still rarer. Findings suggest that the SAPS’s optimistic, homicide statistics are not to be believed. According to the Economist (citations in Into the Cannibal’s Pot), the Center for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation has confirmed the existence of a “pervasive pattern of (police) manipulation of statistic.”

Every year, millions in taxpayers’ money are forked out to private security firms to protect … the new South Africa’s police stations. “South Africa’s protectors can’t protect themselves,” they can’t protect the country, and they probably can’t count. The orgy of crime in South Africa reflects the capabilities of this reconstructed police force.

Back when it tracked South Africa’s murder rate, Interpol came up with roughly double the numbers released by the SA police. While slightly more optimistic, the South African Medical Research Council (MRC) tended to corroborate the trend uncovered by Interpol.

Another denier is the South African Institute of Race Relations (SAIRR). In 2004, the Economist had already counted 1,500 rural whites dead “in land-related violence.” By 2010, the SAIRR was finally willing to concede that “not all murders in the country are a function of simple criminal banditry.” Last I checked (2011), they still put the figure “conservatively” at only 1,000, even as most news outlets were reporting around 3,000 farmers murdered. The 3,000 figure was said to consist of “some 1,000 white farmers, along with 2,000 of their family members.”

Perhaps the SAIRR had forgotten to factor in the families.

They’re only filling their crime quota, contend some South African advocates for criminals (who get their ideas from America). The claim is that blacks are merely committing crimes in proportion to their numbers in the population. In 2004, at 76.6 percent of the population, blacks committed 76.4 percent of “intimate femicides” (defined as “the killing of a female person by an intimate partner”). And they committed 68.3 percent of “non-intimate femicides”: “the killing of a woman by someone other than an intimate partner.” (That snippet came courtesy of a not-yet-binned Medical Research Council report.)

Although they’re dying like flies, the words of Steve Hofmeyr—famed Afrikaner activist and musician—tardy whites are proving woefully inadequate to the task of filling their pro-rata crime quotas: At less than nine percent of the population, the corresponding numbers for white South Africans are 3.9 and 2.6 percent respectively. Whites underperform again with respect to incarceration rates. According to the South African Department of Correctional Services, 113,773 criminals had been sentenced as of June 2008, of whom only 2,190 were white. Whites make up only 1.9 percent of the number of sentenced criminals. Weighing in with 90,013 sentenced individuals—approximately 79.1 percent of the total number of criminals sentenced—blacks more than fill their per-population crime allotment.

The minority that dare not speak its name is on the wane. Of the approximately 48 million South Africans, whites number only 4.3 million; blacks more than 38 million. By the estimate of the SAIRR, the white population had shrunk from 5,215,000 in 1995 to 4,374,000 in 2005. Almost a fifth. “Since 1996,” reports the New York Times, “the black population has risen to a projected 38.5 million from 31.8 million.” (Submerged in this sentence is the fact that the same population has been increasing since Europeans settled South Africa.)

While the number of whites is shrinking as a percentage of the total population, their proportion among the scalded, shot, sliced and garroted is growing.

Constituting less than nine percent of the population, whites nevertheless made up 10 percent of the 33,513 “non-natural deaths,” recorded in 2007 by the National Injury Mortality Surveillance System, a project of the MRC and my alma mater, the University of South Africa. At around 80 percent of the population, black “Africans constituted 76 percent of all cases.”  The SAIRR would have evinced a modicum of intellectual integrity had it argued that wealth was a confounding variable in crime: Because Indian and white South Africans tend to be wealthier than blacks, the theory would run, they’re likelier than blacks to be targeted.

While Indian South Africans, unlike whites, are not being murdered in ways that beggar belief; there are still “marked differences in feelings of safety between the race groups. Indians followed by white South Africans were least likely to feel safe.” A study conducted by the market research company Markinor for the Institute for Security Studies reveals, “Only 32 percent of all blacks questioned knew someone who was a victim of crime,” compared to 66 percent of Indian adults and 56 percent of white adults.

Conversely, 32 percent of black South Africans were likely to know someone who made a living from crime, while less than 17 percent of Indians and just seven percent of whites said the same. As of June 2008, the South African Department of Correctional Services reported that 90,013 blacks had been sentenced. Conviction rates stand at a dismal eight percent! The black criminal class is thus 1.13 million strong, at least one million of whom are still at large.

Let not the swirl of statistics conceal the flesh-and-blood casualties of this black-on-white offensive. South Africa’s farmers, undeniably, are the focus of ethnocide. Contrary to the Syrians and Somalis streaming into the United States, they would make fabulous refugees, President Trump. South Africa’s commercial farmers operate in the “most violent environment in the world outside of a war zone,” and they’re the best in the world.

Saint Mandela was mum about farm murders. If his party, the African National Congress and its oleaginous officials and enablers, won’t protect the men and women who feed their country, let them all eat cake.