Three Big Questions After Charlottesville

Future historians may view the Unite the Right event in Charlottesville as a turning point for the alt-right and the race-realist movement in America.

Before Charlottesville, many of us believed that the government — bound by the First Amendment — would respect our free speech, even if private corporations would fire and blacklist any employee who takes our side.

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Tough Guys, Honest Opinions

Most readers in the 1920s thought that detective fiction meant cozy drawing rooms, antique dueling pistols, and the cool fields of England. It belonged mostly to female writers such as Agatha Christie, Margery Allingham, and Dorothy L. Sayers. These women all came from comfortable middle-class backgrounds. Sayers herself doubled as an academic who translated Dante’s Divine Comedy into English during the height of her fiction career.

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Sell-Out Conference Shrugs Off Anti-Fa

The 15th American Renaissance conference was a bursting-at-the-seams success, with a record attendance limited only by fire-code limits on the number of people permitted in the ball room at Montgomery Bell State Park. Demand was so great that we had to close registration a full month before the conference began, and regretfully turn away what would have probably been another 150 attendees. Our record attendance figure of 300 could easily have been 450.

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The Sombre Enemy of the Pram

Baby

This morning in my neighborhood I saw four blonde girls whom I think were sisters: They looked alike, there seemed to be a one- to two-year gap between their ages, and they had been shopping for groceries. They were greeted by a fifth girl, also blonde, who was walking a dog. All five then continued in the direction of a nearby where houses sell for around $400,000, the only neighborhood for miles around in which such a group could possibly live. In the city where I live, I have never seen a group of four blond girls—probably siblings—on a public thoroughfare here.

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Sam Dickson in His Own Words

Interview by Hubert Collins

Sam G. Dickson has been a white activist for longer than many in our movement have been alive. On Sunday, July 30, as at every American Renaissance conference, he will be the closing speaker.  

In this extended interview, Mr. Dickson reflects on his experiences and observations, and ends with advice for others who share his commitment to our people. 

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Why I Don’t Care About Russian “Scandals”

Idealists may not like it, but politics is a transaction. I support politicians I think will do something for me and the people I care about. Therefore, I could not be less interested in the endless parade of accusations and speculations about what certain Russians might or might not have done to help elect Donald Trump. No matter what the answer is, I don’t care. J.M. Bernays at The Baffler has convincingly described the liberal frenzy over this:

[A]t this point, the empirical question of whether or not it happened is secondary to the deeper psychological need for media pundits, policy wonks, and the professional-managerial strata to maintain their sense of self when the objective historical conditions in which they flourished are being actively dissolved. For liberals, the continued libidinal investment in the drama of the as-yet invisible Trump-Russia scandal actively blocks any realization that the neoliberal order they are trying to restore is already dead on its feet, and that Trump is the uniquely bizarre American expression of a visible worldwide trend: the virulent, deepening nationalist backlash against a financially-integrated global economy based on the relatively free movement of commodities and people. His ascent is a death knell for an entire era and the basic assumptions about economic and political life that shape the worldview of contemporary liberals.

Mr. Bernays is wordy, but he’s right. Liberals want the verdict to be treason because Mr. Trump would be removed and, they hope, things would go back to normal. Just like Republicans who wanted to believe Barack Obama was born in Kenya, they think that by revealing this one key truth the damage of the last election will be undone!

At the Women’s March in Washington DC, January 2017.

If it will help the media and liberals get over this delusion, let me be clear: I and the overwhelming majority of Trump-supporters don’t care at all about this Russia business. Even if—and it sounds unlikely—Russia undermined American democracy to help elect Mr. Trump, I still don’t care.

Mr. Trump and Russia do not want to bring hordes of Muslims into our cities. They will not pass “hate speech” laws that could put me in prison. A President Trump elected by Russians is still better than a Hillary Clinton elected by “Americans.” I want my grandchildren to live in a country where they are not a despised and oppressed minority. A President Clinton would have done everything to ensure that happens.

Should we set aside our petty differences since we are all Americans and we all believe in the democratic system?

No. It’s only by inertia that is still one country. If each state, or even each region, magically became a sovereign nation tomorrow, there would be no movement to unite into one bigger nation. The only thing that keeps us together is that secession is messy.

At the American Renaissance office, we sometimes get phone calls and email from folks threatening to kill us. They are never from Russians. They are almost always from blacks, and sometimes from white ethno-masochists. I would rather not live in the same country with those people; the United States should have dissolved long ago.

Conservatives talk about “civic nationalism” or “patriotism,” but what do those words even mean? I would rather my children went to a public school in Moscow as the only American, than to a public school in Washington DC or Los Angeles as the only white. In the current year, “citizenship” is just a social construct.

Maybe the next time a liberal complains about Russians stealing the election, I should say, “Boy I hope they did. It’d be comforting to know there’s a powerful white nation looking out for us.”

From Wide-Eyed Liberal to Race Realist

The professor stopped the conversation. A young Korean-American originally from Los Angeles, she specialized in race, race theory, and fiction. The class was called “Race & Detective Fiction.” At the time, I read any detective novel I could get my hands on. I still do. I wrote my Master’s thesis on the subject.

But before I could leave my very liberal school with a degree signed by two professors who doubled as officers in the International Socialist Organization, I decided to take this elective. The class probably met some university-wide “diversity” requirement; I took it because of my love for cop stories.

The class focused solely on identity politics. Edgar Allan Poe’s “The Murder in the Rue Morgue” became a story about the plight of black barbers in 1830s Philadelphia. Charlie Chan novels became the foundations for American neocolonial apologetics. Even the most progressive students had to admit that such theorizing drained all the fun out of the books and that “diversity” detective novels are not worth the cover price. Walter Mosley is just not as good as Raymond Chandler. Sandra Cisneros cannot hold a candle to Dashiell Hammett. If the teacher wanted to inculcate a deep appreciation for post-1965, “diverse” detective literature, she mostly failed.

However, she did manage to achieve one success: She kept me from talking about the biological foundations of race. During one session, I decided to bring up Thomas Bouchard’s 1979 research on twins, which I had recently discovered.

Identical twins who had been separated at birth and reared in completely different households lived very similar lives. They liked the same things, had the same character flaws, and mirrored each other in surprising ways. Dr. Bouchard concluded that in the balance between nature and nurture, nature is dominant.

I brought this up with reference to the fact that some races are prone to certain behaviors. For instance, despite the constant refrain that white men are overrepresented among mass killers, I pointed out that East Asians are statistically more likely to commit such crimes.

The professor cast my point aside, saying, “That sounds too much like the biological definition of race. I don’t think that is appropriate.” This woman had a Ph.D in English, not genetics or biology, but she knew that I had crossed some kind of Rubicon and that I should be stopped from going any further.

The course had other eye-opening moments. One day, a student mentioned that his ancestors came from southern France, so his skin and hair were much darker than mine (my background is Northern European). The professor more or less scoffed and explained that all white people are just simply white.

My journey from liberalism to race realism may have been inevitable. Even at the apex of my liberalism in 2004 (thankfully I could not yet vote), I was proud that parts of my family have been in America since the founding of Jamestown. In my hometown, native-born whites were about 90 percent of the population. Race never really came up. I grew up with some Indian and Korean friends, but I associated mostly with other lower-middle-class whites.

That changed when I joined the Navy after college. Within weeks I was writing letters home to my family that would wreck my chances at running for office if they ever became known. I noticed that none of the black recruits would accept even minor discipline. They never worked hard during our morning chores, talked all the time, and were constantly arguing with each other. One of our Recruit Division Commanders, who came from Colombia, encouraged their bad habits by joking with them. Some black recruits began imitating his habit of teasing our few Asian recruits about their appearance, telling them to “open their eyes” or “wake up.”

These blacks acted like petty dictators. I remember seeing them make a white recruit they didn’t like do exercises after lights out and the non-commissioned officers (NCOs) had gone home. The white recruit kept quiet, even though recruits have no right treat each other like that. A few of us told the NCOs about this, but they did nothing.

My race realism progressed further during technical training, when the problem students were mostly black or Hispanic. Our worst classmate, an obnoxious black woman from New York City, kept getting sent back to earlier training classes because she got violent with other students.

Years later, when I was an NCO, I had to deal with senior leaders who said it was “racism” whenever they got a poor performance evaluation. Even one well-respected black NCO, whom everyone jokingly called a “Nazi” because of his open support for conservative Republicans, insinuated that the command held him back because of his race.

Still, my politics had only moved slightly. Instead of being a liberal Democrat, I had become a subscriber to National Review and believed firmly thattf

“Democrats are the real racists!”

It took years in academia to push me over the edge. I saw impressionable white girls constantly crying about imperialism and “white privilege.” I felt my guts churn as a series of Southern women moved above the Mason-Dixon Line and immediately began telling all of their Northern and Midwestern professors how racist, sexist, and evil their home states are. Many of these women made fun of their parents for being realistic about the races.

The American academy is mostly well-to-do white women promoting anti-white hatred to advance their careers. Serious scholarship is a thing of the past. Most male professors are weaklings who nod their heads and just get on with their lives. They learned their bad habits in classes such “Race & Detective Fiction.” Although they privately make jokes about how ridiculous such race-centric education is, they are the first to parrot cultural Marxism to their students. Careerism meets an ingrained culture of anti-white hatred. It is no better in the military or in corporate America.

My second political awakening, from “cuckservatism” to race realism, was far quicker, and involved a series of relatively minor changes in thinking. As a son of Appalachia, I have long been the subject of many good- and bad-natured jokes about cousin marriages, shoelessness, and buck teeth. All of these comments hardened a naturally stern brand of Appalachian patriotism, which, given my long exposure to the university’s hatred of the white working class, easily became working-class white patriotism.

Also, once I began paying attention to the news, I started seeing why so many people in my hometown took a dim view of blacks. After Ferguson and Baltimore, I understood that pumping money into the ghetto would never fix things. While my home state is shockingly poor, its white homogeneity is a bulwark against crime, especially violent crime. Poverty need not equal crime.

Finally, when I discovered American Renaissance, VDARE, and the blogs and people known as the “alt-right,” I realized that there is a more honest right-wing in American thought. Convinced by the statistics presented in “The Color of Crime,” and similarly convinced by the immigration arguments made by people such as Peter Brimelow, John Derbyshire, and Ann Coulter, I started reading more from the part of conservatism that even other “conservatives” shunned. I quickly found that this was where to find the best answers.

I am not a fan of the Right’s habit of useless infighting and don’t care about labels such as “alt-right” and “neo-reactionary,” but I now support the un-cucked movement as the only legitimate counterrevolution. Thanks to American Renaissance videos (a personal favorite is “You Stole America from the Indians”), I now try to inject race realism into my working life. When I teach my students or write papers, I refuse to engage in cultural Marxism or in anti-white rhetoric. My research is similarly oriented towards supporting, not decrying the 1924 Immigration Act.

We on the right often muse about how normal our ideas used to be. Let us hope our position as modern heretics will be fleeting. A future in which “Race & Detective Fiction” is an aberration is possible. All it takes is that we be bold.

Kill All Normies

Angela Nagle, Kill All Normies: Online Culture Wars From 4Chan And Tumblr To Trump And The Alt-Right, Zero Books, 2017, 136 pp., $16.95.

“Kill All Normies” is a cry for control. The author, columnist Angela Nagle, promises an examination of the “online culture wars,” a historical review of how the Alt-Right developed, and an explanation of how Donald Trump defied overwhelming hostility from the media and the political class to hack the culture and win the presidency. But really, the only takeaway we get is the same slogan every journalist shrieks when faced with an uncomfortable idea: “Shut it Down.”

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Why I Am (Among Other Things) a White Nationalist

Tribalist and masculinist Jack Donovan has written a thoughtful critique of white nationalism and the white nationalist movement called “Why I Am Not a White Nationalist.” He is a fellow traveler of the movement—he’s spoken at American Renaissance, Counter-Currents, and National Policy Institute events—so he can’t be accused of ignorance. Indeed, many of his criticisms are on the mark. Some, though, are aimed at only a fringe of the movement, while others fail to consider the existential plight our race faces.

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